Corruption as a Barrier: Is the Return of Those Who Left Ukraine Possible?
Millions of Ukrainians were forced to leave the country, saving themselves and their children from the dangers of war. They have built new lives in Europe (Poland, Spain, Germany, etc.), Canada, the United States, and many other countries around the world. There they encountered a different kind of society—transparent public services, fair courts, and clear rules for doing business. And despite the pain of separation from home, many dream of returning to Ukraine after victory, to build a new future on their native soil.
But there is one serious obstacle that could halt this process. That obstacle is corruption. It is the issue that surfaces most often in conversations with Ukrainians abroad when asked, “Will you return?” People respond: “We love Ukraine, but we don’t want to live again in a country where every decision depends on a bribe or corrupt arrangement.”
I write these lines as a citizen and entrepreneur who sees every day that for many public institutions the words “to serve the people” still mean something entirely different than they should. Corruption is not an abstract term from Transparency International reports or NACP statistics. It is a living, daily reality that affects the life of every Ukrainian. And if we do not overcome it, then even the most ambitious reconstruction, even billions in international aid, will not convince those who left Ukraine to return.
Corruption in Everyday Life
Every Ukrainian has at some point faced the reality that problems are solved not by law, but by an envelope. This could be a hospital hinting at a “gratitude payment,” a school constantly collecting “donations,” or a court where justice can be “bought” outright.
Recent data proves again: for Ukrainians, corruption is not a myth but an everyday reality.
- 91.4% of citizens believe corruption in Ukraine is “very widespread” or “widespread.” At the same time, only 18.7% personally encountered corruption in the past year. This gap between perception and experience shows how deeply distrust is rooted in society (NACP, 2025).
- According to Gallup, in 2025 85% of Ukrainians were convinced that corruption exists everywhere in government. This is among the highest figures in Europe and a troubling sign for a country striving for reconstruction and restored trust (Gallup, 2025).
- A study by the DEJURE Foundation found that 68.6% of citizens do not trust the Supreme Court due to judicial corruption. The very system meant to uphold justice is instead associated with opacity and bias (DEJURE Foundation, 2025).
For people, corruption is not about “high politics.” It is about daily humiliation and injustice. That is why it hurts more than even economic hardship.
Why This Is Critical Right Now
In 2022, at the start of the mass migration wave, 89% of Ukrainians abroad said they would definitely return after the war. It was a wave of hope: people believed Ukraine would change, free itself from corruption.
But by 2024, research by the Centre for Economic Strategy revealed a worrying signal: for the first time, the majority of those who left no longer planned to return anytime soon. The reason was not only the comfort of life abroad or stable economies. One of the main obstacles cited was distrust in Ukrainian institutions and fear of again encountering corruption.
Another telling fact: 84% of Ukrainians abroad believe the level of corruption in Ukraine is significantly higher than in Europe. For many, this is the decisive argument. What is the point of a new road or rebuilt home if the old “schemes” remain? People do not want to return to a Ukraine where their fate can once again be decided by a bribe in a hospital or a “donation” at school.
This is why solving the corruption problem is critical right now—at the very moment Ukraine prepares for massive reconstruction. Cities can be rebuilt quickly; trust cannot.
Lessons from Other Countries
Ukraine is not the only country to have faced systemic corruption. Other nations have shown that even deeply entrenched bribery can be overcome.
- Georgia. In the early 2000s, corruption permeated everything—from police to universities. Radical reforms, including the complete replacement of the traffic police, digitization of public services, and open competitions for positions, changed the situation dramatically. The result: Georgia rose in Transparency International’s ranking from 124th place in 2003 to 51st in 2012. It was a clear signal to citizens that the system had truly changed.
- Estonia. The focus there was on digitalization. Today, 99% of public services can be accessed online. This effectively eliminated petty corruption, since there is simply no one to negotiate with for an “envelope payment.”
The historical lesson is simple: corruption can be defeated. But in every country where success was achieved, there was one common condition—political will and readiness to change the rules for everyone.
What Ukraine Needs to Overcome Corruption
There is no perfect recipe for fighting corruption. No country has eradicated it with a single law or decree. But there are principles that can make the state machine work. If we truly want Ukrainians abroad to return, we must act systematically and consistently. I see at least five such principles—simple to state, but demanding long-term implementation.
- Simplify procedures. The fewer certificates, permits, and approvals, the less space there is for corruption. “Diia” was a breakthrough, but it is not enough. Basic services must be fully digitized, and unnecessary bureaucracy removed.
- Rule of law and protection of property rights. Economic reforms are meaningless if citizens or investors cannot be sure their assets are protected. Rule of law is the foundation of trust. Only then will investors return, and with them—citizens who left in search of fairness.
- Inevitability of punishment. If an official is caught in corruption, the consequence must be prison, not reassignment. Courts and anti-corruption bodies must work independently, free from political influence.
- State divestment through concession. Concession is not privatization. It allows the state to retain ownership while delegating management to professional operators. This model has proven effective worldwide—from France’s motorways to Britain’s airports.
- Real financial oversight of officials. Declarations must cease being a formality. Every public servant must prove their lifestyle matches declared income. Purchases of expensive property or cars must be explained; otherwise—dismissal and prosecution.
In Ukrainian conditions, concession can become a genuine tool for modernizing state enterprises while providing stable budget revenues. The state ceases to be an inefficient “manager,” retains ownership, and secures guaranteed payments, while citizens receive better services.
These steps will create the foundation for Ukrainians abroad to believe in change and want to return. Because people come back not only to rebuilt houses or new roads—they return to a sense of justice.
Ukrainians Are Patient, But Not Indefinitely
The return of those who left Ukraine depends not only on how quickly we rebuild roads, bridges, or housing. The key factor will be restoring trust and faith in the country. People must feel that Ukraine has changed—that rules are no longer written “for the few,” but that law applies equally to all.
Corruption is not just an economic issue. It is a disease that erodes the moral foundation of society. If we do not break old schemes, no investment or international aid will save Ukraine from losing its citizens and even its statehood.
That is why our steps must be radical: simplification of procedures, rule of law, inevitability of punishment, and state divestment through modern forms of management, including concession. This is what will give people a sense of fairness and security.
I am convinced: Ukrainians will return only when they see that at home honesty is no longer a heroic act but the norm. And that, in the end, is the greatest reform we can achieve for the sake of the future.
Denys Kostrzhevskyi